Elephant Balancing the Boats in the Waters of Indo-Pacific

by Gowri Dixit

Indo-Pacific as a geopolitical construct was first proposed by German geopolitician Karl Haushofer in the 1920s. Haushofer established the “Indo-Pacific” as a social and political region while also providing new evidence in the fields of marine sciences, ethnology, and philology. He developed an “Indo-Pacific” vision for changing the global order and envisioned the political renaissance of South, East, and Southeast Asia against colonial dominance.

In the contemporary times the Indo-Pacific outlook re-emerged with the then-Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s address in the Indian Parliament on the confluence of two oceans and the security of the region therewith in 2007. Alongside highlighting the importance of the region, Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD), more popularly known as the Quad, was constituted with Japan, Australia, India, and the United States of America. Indo-Pacific as a geopolitical construct gained more prominence in the 2010s with countries like Australia and the United States of America designing their Indo-Pacific strategy and issuing white papers. 

India’s Indo-Pacific: Definition and Vision

India’s definition of the Indo-Pacific includes the area from the eastern coast of Africa to the western coast of America. Our Indo-Pacific vision is based on India’s Act East Policy and the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) doctrine. India advocates an Indo-Pacific region that is free, open, inclusive, peaceful, and prosperous, rooted in a rules-based international system. India promotes an order with investments in sustainable and transparent infrastructure, freedom of navigation and overflight, unhindered legal trade, respect for one another’s sovereignties, peaceful resolution of disputes, and equality for all nations. 

Importance of Indo-Pacific

Indo-Pacific region has a growing influence on world politics, trade, and development, with more than 64% of the world’s population living in this increasingly seamless area, which also accounts for more than 60% of the global GDP. The maritime trade channels in this area facilitate around half of the world’s trade. The region is also the world’s most biodiverse area boosting fishery and tourism. 

Maritime Security and Challenges

The term maritime security covers broad concepts like inter-state disputes, maritime terrorism, piracy, trafficking of narcotics, people and illicit goods, arms proliferation, illegal fishing, environmental crimes, or maritime accidents and disasters. 

The Indo-Pacific region, given its rich resources, has seen contentions over territorial ownership. With over 40 disputes on the sovereignty and rights on seas in the South China Sea, robbery in seas, and the spread of terrorism in Southeast Asia are increasing maritime security challenges. Alongside these conflicts of territorial integrity, there is a significant threat of climate change on the coastal communities and their livelihoods. 

Growing Chinese presence in the region is perceived as a threat to the security of the countries party to the region. From engaging with countries through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to increasing its military and naval capacity in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), China’s advancements are a challenge. 

India’s Role in the Maritime Security of the Indo-Pacific 

India has been consistently engaging with actors of the region to promote through its various initiatives to ensure an inclusive and secure region. 

Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)

IORA was formed as a regional forum in 1997 to promote economic cooperation in the region, in which India is a founding member. With growing security challenges, during India’s tenure as chair of the association, maritime safety and security were identified as key concerns of the forum.

The SAGAR Doctrine 

India’s SAGAR doctrine is based on Security, Capacity Building, Collective Action, Sustainable Development, and Maritime Engagement among the countries of the Indo-Pacific region. The doctrine was launched in 2015 with the vision of “advancing cooperation in the region and to use our capabilities for the benefit of all in our common maritime home.”

Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue (IPRD)

The Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue (IPRD) is an initiative by the Indian Navy on maritime strategy that started in 2018. Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, China, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Seychelles, Singapore, South Korea, Sri Lanka, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America are the Indo-Pacific countries that participated in the second edition of the dialogue. Maritime connectivity, free and open Indo-Pacific, Blue Economy, and solutions to maritime security challenges were actively discussed by the countries party to the dialogue.

Malabar Exercise

‘Malabar’ is a joint military exercise held between the forces of India, the United States of America, and Japan. The exercise first started as bilateral cooperation between India and the United States of America and then opened to Japan. Recently, to address one of the major challenges of the region, the growing Chinese presence in the IOR, India invited Australia to join the exercise. Thus, the recent exercise saw QUAD countries display military cooperation. 

Alongside these major efforts, India is involved in several humanitarian aid activities in the region, like that of Mission Sagar, an initiative to deliver Covid-19 assistance to the countries in the Indian Ocean Region. The assistance included supplies of essential food items, medicines, Ayurvedic medicines, and the deployment of Medical Assistance Teams. 

Making the Presence Felt

In the growing prominence of the Indo-Pacific construct, India has significantly made its move, strategically and otherwise. While staying true to her peace, security, growth, and development principles, India has highlighted the need for a democratic, rule-based, cooperation-oriented Indo-Pacific. For further regional developments, India must concentrate on engaging with regional and stakeholder countries in more focused and outcome-oriented ways.

Gowri Dixit is a Student of Public Policy, School of Social Sciences, Ramaiah University of Applied Sciences and is a Security Studies Enthusiast.

References

Bueger, C. (2015). What is maritime security? Marine Policy, 53, 159–164. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2014.12.005

Jaishankar S. (2022). Address by External Affairs Minister, Dr. S. Jaishankar at the Chulalongkorn University on ‘”India’s Vision of the Indo-Pacific”’. https://www.mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl/35641/Address_by_External_Affairs_Minister_Dr_S_Jaishankar_at_the_Chulalongkorn_University_on_Indias_Vision_of_the_IndoPacific#:~:text=We%20envisage%20a%20free%2C%20open,for%20sovereignty%2C%20peaceful%20resolution%20of

Li, H. (2022). The “Indo-Pacific”: Intellectual Origins and International Visions in Global Contexts. Modern Intellectual History, 19(3), 807–833. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479244321000214

Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. (2019, November 8). India’s concept of Indo-Pacific is inclusive and across oceans. https://mea.gov.in/articles-in-indian-media.htm?dtl/32015/Indias_concept_of_IndoPacific_is_inclusive_and_across_oceans

To, A. T. (2019, February). Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific: Mixed Opportunities and Challenges from Connectivity Strategies. Konrad Adenauer Foundation; Panorama. https://www.kas.de/documents/288143/10822438/Panorama_2019_02_4c_v5d_ToAnhTuan.pdf/bb017d3b-c195-681c-c5a3-19054947fec5?t=1606102327617

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Non-Alignment and Beyond: 21st Century Indian Foreign Policy

By Krutika Reddy

The country’s foreign policy is evolving and is a very dynamic instrument. The policy, with time, has modified itself in response to the global order and situation. The Indian foreign policy is guided by our national beliefs and values, national interests and national strategy. The finest way that our national interests are catered to is through diplomacy and dialogue. The strong pillar of India’s foreign policy is the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM), which brought historical international prestige.  

Deliberation in the 1955 Bandung Conference and later the acceptance of the principles in the 1961 Belgrade conference, the Non-Alignment Movement arose as a solution for countries reluctant to side with the power blocs. These countries looking for a safe haven were newly independent countries that were under colonial domination for a very long period of time.

The central idea of NAM was “sovereignty and territorial integrity of the states; opposition to apartheid; non-adherence to multilateral military pacts and the independence of non-aligned countries from great powers; the struggle against imperialism in all its forms and manifestations; struggle against colonialism, neocolonialism; disarmament; non-interference in internal affairs of the states and peaceful coexistence among nations; democratisation of international relations; socio-economic development and restructuring the international economic system; international cooperation on an equal footing.”

Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India

The NAM has stood by the developing and underdeveloped countries, has always been upfront on the unfair power dynamics, and brought up the earnest need for development in countries. India’s unwavering stand on multipolarity is ensured through NAM, the second largest after the United Nations. NAM has always been an active player in maintaining the balance of power and world peace. 

The relevance of NAM as an institution might have disappeared with the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, its principles are very much alive to date in India’s foreign policy. The concept of non-alignment does not mean ambiguity or unsureness; it means taking a neutral stand rather than aligning with any country, taking a stand towards peace and humanity.  

The countries have their games to play, which they are good at with their own set of rules. When the United States of America swings its bat, China plays ‘go’, Russia plays ‘roulette’, and India carefully places its pawns on the chess board. Indian foreign policy of this day and age has evolved through historical ties and learnings.

Through its diplomatic toolkit, the country has always been and still is the foremost in showing countries to voice out during a humanitarian crisis. This is clearly seen in recent Ukraine- Russia war, wherein India urged the major countries to end war and violence and resort to diplomacy and dialogue. Niceties were dropped, and hard questions were asked at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit 2022 in Samarkand. India is at the forefront and taking leadership positions in major organisations. The presidency at G20 in December 2022, at a time when there are global economic discrepancies, shows the importance the country has in the world forum. The country will have to showcase its strengths and bring in innovative solutions. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his recent bilateral talk with his Russian counterpart, has stressed the importance of fostering the 3D’s in the international arena – Democracy, Diplomacy and Dialogue. Therefore, showing the importance India’s foreign policy gives the 3D’s. 

The country is proud of its bilateral relations, with a majority of the countries assuming multi-vectoral character. Defence, science and technology, diplomacy, people-to-people contact, cultural and language, trade and investments, climate and sustainability, peacekeeping and humanitarian aid/grants have all become the basis for relations. Strategic hedging, the alignment strategy undertaken by one country to another, which is a mix of cooperative and confrontational elements and is predominantely used by India in these relations. The country prepares for the worst by maintaining a strong military and also engages with countries through trade, people-to-people connections, diplomacy, and multilateral engagements. It is a collaboration of both soft and hard power. India understanding the game of realpolitik is using strategic hedging when the time demands. 

The relationship with China, for instance, is under stress when boundaries and territory become a bone of contention. Nevertheless, Indo-China relations have significantly been smooth in trade cooperation, and attempts for rapprochement from both sides have considerably taken place. 

India carefully examines the consequences and the appropriateness of any action through which it makes itself prominent in the Asian region and in the global forum. The country is part of the QUAD, an informal grouping aiming to maintain peace in the Indo-Pacific region, and has also walked out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Partnership (RCEP) negotiation weighing all the outputs and outcomes. Another such instance where India has not complied and submitted itself to the agreements of the power-holding countries is the Non-Proliferation Treaty. India and its international activism through various forms can be seen in many instances. The country spearheads the International Solar Alliance to bring innovation in clean energy and its optimal usage. India is working with regional cooperation such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) on the blue economy, always stern on the issue of terrorism in all its form and manifestations. The country also has large support from the players in the international arena for its strive to gain permanent membership and the restructuring of the United Nations Security Council. 

The Foreign Policy of India, through careful consideration, plays a balancing act to steer clear of ongoing challenges in the international ecosystem keeping in mind the vested national interests. Efforts to revitalise the NAM and not its abandonment is an urgent call for creating a multipolar world order (multi-engagement) whilst maintaining peace and security.

 “Vasudhavia Kutumbakam”, on which India’s foreign policy is based, will guide the country in the coming days to take up the role of leadership and global mediator. 

The consistency and constant upholding of founding and traditional principles are the beauty of Indian diplomacy. Reiterating through the words of former Ambassador and spokesperson for the Ministry of External Affairs Nirupama Menon Rao, the country’s foreign policy must pay attention to “Connectivity – whether infrastructural, through trade and commerce, cooperation to prevent and mitigate natural disasters, the vagaries of climate, as well as people-to-people connectivity – is of the essence. Shackles need to be broken and our vision of peace must soar, and provide a point of take-off.” It can be rightfully said that India will strike impactful poses according to the music played in the arena. It will not be over-ambitious to punch above its weight. 

Connectivity – whether infrastructural, through trade and commerce, cooperation to prevent and mitigate natural disasters, the vagaries of climate, as well as people-to-people connectivity – is of the essence. Shackles need to be broken and our vision of peace must soar, and provide a point of take-off.

Nirupama Menon Rao, former Ambassador and Spokesperson for MEA

Krutika Reddy is a student of Master of Arts in Public Policy, School of Social Sciences, Ramaiah University of Applied Sciences

References 

Bhatia, R. (n.d.). Indian Foreign Policy: Confronting the 21st century. MEA. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.mea.gov.in/distinguished-lectures-detail.htm?763

Dasgupta, A. (n.d.). India’s Foreign Policy: New Challenges to Old Diplomacy. MEA. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.mea.gov.in/distinguished-lectures-detail.htm?872

GatewayHouse. (2019, February 6). Indian Foreign Policy in 21st Century. Gateway House. https://www.gatewayhouse.in/indian-foreign-policy-21st-century/

History and Evolution of Non-Aligned Movement. (n.d.). MEA. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://mea.gov.in/in-focus-article.htm?20349/History+and+Evolution+of+NonAligned+Movement

Is Non-Alignment Movement Still Relevant? (n.d.). Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2020/09/relevance-of-non-alignment-movement-in-present-world/

Malhotra, K. (n.d.). Can India’s presidency address the G20’s credibility crisis? ORF. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/can-indias-presidency-address-the-g20s-credibility-crisis/

Mishra, V. (2018, June 12). Strategic Hedging Through Foreign Policy: Exploring India’s Options. The Geopolitics. https://thegeopolitics.com/strategic-hedging-through-foreign-policy-exploring-indias-options/ 

Nirupama Rao | Former Indian Foreign Secretary – Public Policy.      https://www.nirupamamenonrao.net/

Non-Aligned Movement in The 21st Century: Relevant or No? (n.d.). Diplomatist. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://diplomatist.com/2020/05/14/non-aligned-movement-in-the-21st-century-relevant-or-no/

Strategic hedging: The way forward for India’s foreign policy. (2018, April 19). Asia Dialogue. https://theasiadialogue.com/2018/04/19/strategic-hedging-the-way-forward-for-indias-foreign-policy/

Tayal, S. R. (n.d.). India and the World since Independence: Choices & Compulsions. MEA. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.mea.gov.in/distinguished-lectures-detail.htm?876

The South Centre | Why NAM is still relevant today. (n.d.). Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.southcentre.int/question/why-nam-is-still-relevant-today/

Tripathi, S. S. and J. (n.d.). India leads: Two to Tango with in 2023. ORF. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from https://www.orfonline.org/research/india-leads-two-to-tango-with-in-2023/

Wadhwa, A. (2019, September 10). India’s foreign policy in the 21st century. India Perspectives. https://www.indiaperspectives.gov.in/en_US/indias-foreign-policy-in-the-21st-centur/

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Security lens: Where, How, and Why of Data Localisation

by Gowri Dixit

Every second, each person generates about 1.7 GB of data; this huge amount of data is stored in servers all across the globe. The way this data is collected, stored, transferred, and used is all about data governance. Data Localisation is collecting, processing, and storing the data generated in a country in its territorial borders. Backed by laws on data protection, it is a bid to store the data generated by citizens of a country in their country; any transfer of data and its usage must happen in compliance with the country’s laws. Data localisation draws predominantly on data sovereignty, a concept that advocates for processing and storing data generated in the territory of a nation under national laws. Data Localisation norms look to impact the flow of information from one country to another, manage the costs of maintaining data, and set up compliance mechanisms; these norms also have implications for a country’s national security and sovereignty. 

There are two arguments about data localisation. On one hand, some countries oppose the idea of localisation because they believe allowing the free flow of information will aid the economy. On the other hand, privacy, human rights, and national security becomesparamount.

Data localisation: Implications on National Security

Data is a tool that, when used positively for the well-being of humankind, can bring development. However, when data reaches the hands of a hostile, it becomes a lethal weapon that controls people’s lives. And hence, data can pose threats to national security. One of the arguments for data localisation is that the free flow of data from one country to its hostile peer can make the country vulnerable. 

From India’s demand for local data storage from big tech giants, to America’s banning of Huawei’s 5G trial, many such cases highlighted the essentiality of ensuring national security. As there are supporters of data localisation, there are people who are against it. They argue that there is no evidence that local data is safe. There are enough possibilities that the data stored locally are hacked and misused. It is also true that a government can use data localisation to curtail the flow of information and, as an extension, curtail civil liberties. 

India’s Attempt on Data Localisation

Data localisation has grown in policy importance in India during the last decade. India is one of the world’s largest data producers, and the perceived financial advantages of processing Indian customer data have influenced this discourse. Along with the economic benefits, the difficulties faced by law enforcement and security agencies in accessing personal information from huge tech giants prompted the need for data localisation. 

India introduced the Personal Data Protection Bill (2019) in Lok Sabha; after three years of discussion, the bill was withdrawn in 2022 to facilitate amendments. The bill aimed to create the first national framework for data localisation with the aim of mandatory storage of a copy of personal data in India. 

However, the localisation clause in the bill is more of an attempt to establish standard procedures for localisation, similar to sector-specific localisation norms like the Reserve Bank of India mandates that all the banking information of the citizens of India must be stored on a server within India. This led to smartphone manufacturers like Apple introducing different payment mechanisms in India to facilitate its customer base to access their online products as they chose not to set up a data centre in India. The telecommunication sector is another example where data is stored locally in India.

The two aims behind proposing data localisation are faster access to personal data for law enforcement agencies and data sovereignty. One of the attempts to access personal data was with the Government of India’s IT rules mandating tracking of “First Originator” in social media. This issue rose to discussion amongst the general public during the Delhi Riots of 2020. During this time, many Indian initiatives like Koo and FAUG found ground in the Indian digital environment. These came as a challenge to already established tech giants in a bid to ensure Indians a safe access point to express themselves. 

The Way Forward

While the implication on national security is pressing, data localisation is just one small step that can possibly secure our data from hostile agents. The multitude of tasks that follow data localisation is, creating infrastructure to handle data, and developing, maintaining, and updating the cyber security infrastructure. It is to be noted that these processes are energy intensive. Data localisation is a Legislative Support Intensive process. The legislative Support must be citizen-centric, ensuring citizens’ rights are secure in accordance with the Constitution. It is essential that, as a sovereign country firmly rooted in the values of democracy, India approaches data localisation so that the interests of its people are secured while not compromising on the security, unity, and integrity of the nation. 

Gowri Dixit is a Student of Public Policy, School of Social Sciences, Ramaiah University of Applied Sciences and is a Security Studies Enthusiast.

References

Decrypting RBI Data Localization Policy for Payment Companies|M2P Fintech Blog. (n.d.). Retrieved May 5, 2023, from https://m2pfintech.com/blog/decrypting-rbi-data-localization-policy-for-payment-companies/

Draft Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022, Parliament of India (2022) (testimony of Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology). https://www.meity.gov.in/writereaddata/files/The%20Digital%20Personal%20Data%20Potection%20Bill%2C%202022_0.pdf

Sharma, A. B., Upasana. (n.d.). How Would Data Localization Benefit India? Carnegie India. Retrieved May 5, 2023, from https://carnegieindia.org/2021/04/14/how-would-data-localization-benefit-india-pub-84291

Yayboke, E., Ramos, C. G., & Sheppard, L. R. (2021). The Real National Security Concerns over Data Localization. https://www.csis.org/analysis/real-national-security-concerns-over-data-localization

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Pro-life vs Pro-choice?

by Ranjini S Nadig

Human rights emerged as a setting and as a protective notion to protect individual citizens’ autonomy from challenges posed by states attempting to overextend their control into the sphere of the private citizen. However, in the cultural contexts of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the concept of human rights is considerably more emancipatory. It is a struggle for truly universal human dignity through the realisation of the have-nots’ rights there.  Human rights have frequently served as privileges for the elite, both globally and in national societies. The question here is if human rights should be self-driven and sustained in the sense of a connected worldview based on universal human dignity. 

 A contrast between religion and faith can be made in this regard. The word religion comes from the Latin word religio, which means “relationship.” Faith refers to genuine conviction and actual devotion, whereas religion can take the form of dogma, rules, and hierarchies. Two unique interpretations of faith can be recognised in this regard. 

There is faith and Faith. The first is as mentioned in foundational human rights documents such as the United Nations Charter Preamble of 1945, in which the “Peoples of the United Nations … reaffirm faith in fundamental rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and nations large and small”. This global faith may be written with a small f. The second is  ‘Faith’ (with capital F) signifies a transcendental belief to drive, sustain, and inspire that faith in human dignity and its associated values of liberty, equality, and solidarity, which were proclaimed in Article 1 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). 

Arguments are sometimes made that universal human rights and religious principles are incompatible. This idea is prevalent majorly in discussions about sexual and reproductive health and rights, as well as children’s rights, at the United Nations and on all other major world platforms. Combining and contrasting the perspectives of academics, community leaders, educators, and women religious leaders working within their respective religious traditions would be beneficial, especially in terms of gaining a better understanding of how a global normative system interacts with religious values, both positively and negatively. 

Abortion is a contentious topic that has received a lot of attention on both national and international levels. Everyone is debating whether a mother has the right to terminate a pregnancy at any moment or whether an unborn child has the right to life. Among the many rights afforded to women, the right to abortion is widely regarded as one of the most important and fundamental rights. The right to privacy, which is a part of the right to personal liberty and stems from the right to life, has been acknowledged. However, the topic of whether an unborn child should be treated as a human being and be given the rights of a human being is always raised and debated.

Abortion is viewed through a different lens by religious groups. Some religions like Buddhism, Hinduism, and Jainism are open to the thought of abortion as they uphold the well-being of the mother. However, they also believe that the foetus has a soul which shall enter the womb in the third month of pregnancy. So, the law of the land agreeing to the 3-month rule for abortion is largely accepted. However, with these social constructions, even these groups do not put forth the choice of the woman on her body about abortion. 

In religions such as Islam and Christianity, abortion is a crime, and it is seen as a criminal offence; however, the law isn’t considerate to this plurality and views the cases of abortion from these religions under the constitutional mandate and not under religious one. 

Women’s rights to liberty have been greatly curtailed by legislative constraints, particularly in terms of self-determination, body control, and abortion. The rules have made significant inroads into a woman’s right to life and liberty, and it has become a mirage. As a result, it is proposed that females be granted the right to govern their bodies and, as a result, the ability to have or not have children. There should not be any regulations which shall curtail the choice of the woman to choose to have an abortion. 

A plurality approach cannot be considered in matters of abortion, the choice mostly that of the mental and physical health of a human being should be taking precedence. Hence, it is to be considered a fundamental right of a woman to choose to have the baby or not. This is to be upheld by the governing bodies of the country. 

Ms. Ranjini S Nadig is a student of Master of Arts in Public Policy at School of Social Sciences, Ramaiah University of Applied Sciences

References 

https://www.legalserviceindia.com/article/l384-Legalize-Abortion-In-India.html

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Ultimately, Democracy!

by Miriyala Rithin Kumar

“The democratic prophecy depends on integrity.” 

However, “with no ifs and buts,” Mr Boris Johnson, the former Prime Minister of the UK, fulfilled the promises he made, but that couldn’t stop his departure! Why?

Any logical perspective suggests that having a party during the Covid-19 lockdown restriction is one’s own health risk.  It is essential to understand it is the attitude of a leader to organise a party by breaking the rules made by his government and even so, while the whole country’s mourning with grief. This indicates the hypocrisy in the democracy that has taken place. Also, we mustn’t fail to acknowledge the adherence to parliamentary democracy in the United Kingdom, which is certain with his exit.

“Inequality is the mockery of democracy.” 

In a democracy, even legacy possesses supremacy. Mr Boris Johnson will be eulogised in history for successfully delivering Brexit. Also, he’s been the pillar of support to Ukraine by providing military, financial and humanitarian aid, and  by visiting a couple of times during the ongoing war, unlike many other leaders. His proud shoulder-to-shoulder support to Ukraine during the unprecedented war made some of his own country’s people furious, but his articulacy of diplomacy itself speaks. Not because the UK was an important ally of NATO, he supported Ukraine and took responsibility more than he had to. Unfortunately, all of these are masked under his series of misconducts. 

The articulator, even the headline maker and most popular Prime Minister needs to depart because, in democracy, integrity is honoured. 

“Democracy crowns Integrity” 

Miriyala Rithin Kumar is a student of M.A. Public Policy, School of Social Sciences, Ramaiah University of Applied Sciences and a Social Entrepreneur.

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Can Climate Anxiety be Cured? Designing Solutions for Mental Health Problems

by Jaisuman K

It is well known that climate change is posing a threat to the environment, but the constant appearance of climate-related events in media is proving to be a threat to the mental health of people. Have we already started to question our lifestyle and the way of consumption, and whether the feeling of guilt is making us worried that our actions might affect future generations? Well, it depends on how we approach it as it serves as a conflict between personal choices and a larger social and ecological responsibility.

Climate anxiety is “a chronic fear of environment doom”,

American Psychological Association

The term Climate Anxiety is an emotion connected to climate change, such as fear, concern, or tension. American Psychological Association (APA) defines it as “a chronic fear of environment doom”, and Psychology Today defines it as a relatively recent psychological condition that affects a growing number of people who are concerned about the environmental disaster. But is there any difference between climate anxiety, solastalgia, eco-anxiety, environmental distress, ecological grief, and climate change distress? Literature and a few scholars suggest that some are associated with climate change, and some are related to environmental degradation in general and might differ in the design of emotional responses. But there is a lack of conceptual clarity in the literature, and this brings inconsistency in measurement, and planning and affects the quality of supporting evidence.

Fig. 1. The relative frequency of the words ‘ecoanxiety’ and ‘climate anxiety’ occurring across printed text in the last 120 years.

The above figure from Google Ngram suggests that reference to ecoanxiety is higher than climate anxiety, although both are flourishing recently and further approve lack of clarity and differentiation in literature.

Although the destruction of the physical environment could be the cause of climate change and can trigger general anxiety, the communication of the same could be the main cause of climate anxiety. Even if the motive is to bring awareness about the environment, the way of communication could aggravate climate anxiety.

In a scientific study conducted by the University of Bath in 10 countries, 45% of youth agree that climate anxiety is affecting their daily life.

Researches show that climate anxiety is not uniformly felt across age and income groups and is more pronounced among women and young people. But a study by Wullenkord et al. (2021) found no relationship that lower income groups experience higher climate anxiety. In a scientific study conducted by the University of Bath in 10 countries, 45% of youth agree that climate anxiety is affecting their daily life. Some of the indicators, like negative thoughts about climate change, betrayal by the government, and negative beliefs about government response, have scored higher. The study was conducted in 4 global south countries, and to our surprise, the youth are much aware of the consequences of climate change and are worried about their future. According to a research from Stanford University, since 1960, the economic disparity between advanced and emerging economies has expanded by 25% due to climate change. Whether it is the way of communication about climate change or the natural destruction that is happening around us, the youth of developing countries seem to have taken the issue seriously and fear there could be a larger impact due to this.

Fig. 2. The response of youth aged between 16-25 from various countries on climate anxiety

After some secondary research, I opine that globally there shall be two different ways of addressing this climate anxiety, one for the developed and the other for the developing world. In a developed country, anxiety can be addressed on an individual level as most psychology does, and in a developing country, climate anxiety, which I believe is much driven by social pressures and conditions, in addition to addressing on an individual level, needs the intervention of social psychology as well. Although I am not denying the need for social psychology in developed countries, approaching climate anxiety from a social and political perspective in developing countries is of paramount importance, given the demographics and the social norms that are widely followed. While the methods to measure the success rate on an individual level could be clinical studies and the methods to measure social psychology can be clubbed with ethnographic studies, stratified sampling techniques that are region-specific, and focus group discussions and interviews through a larger community intervention programme.

Some of the associated challenges could be conducting sampling techniques to identify silenced or socially denied anxiety. It is required to conduct in-depth research to identify whether people are affected by climate anxiety in developed countries, as most of the social conditions do not let them express their concerns freely. Even in psychological studies, whether the metrics of general anxiety can be significant to climate anxiety is yet to be proved.

It is very important to notice there are no proven techniques for measuring the level of climate anxiety, and the research is still in its nascent stage, developing key indicators and combining clinical studies with social and political research methodologies can address the social dynamics that are unevenly distributed across the world.

Jaisuman K is a policy practician and holds a M.A. Public Policy degree

References

Marks, Elizabeth and Hickman, Caroline and Pihkala, Panu and Clayton, Susan and Lewandowski, Eric R. and Mayall, Elouise E. and Wray, Britt and Mellor, Catriona and van Susteren, Lise, Young People’s Voices on Climate Anxiety, Government Betrayal and   Moral   Injury:   A   Global   Phenomenon.   Available   at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3918955 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3918955

Lorraine Whitmarsh, Lois Player, Angelica Jiongco, Melissa James, Marc Williams, Elizabeth Marks, Patrick Kennedy-Williams, Climate anxiety: What predicts it and how is it related to climate action? Journal of Environmental Psychology, Volume 83, 2022, 101866, ISSN 0272-4944, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2022.101866.

Budziszewska, M., & Jonsson, S. E. (2021). From Climate Anxiety to Climate Action: An Existential Perspective on Climate Change Concerns Within Psychotherapy. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/0022167821993243

Panu, P. Anxiety and the Ecological Crisis: An Analysis of Eco-Anxiety and Climate Anxiety. Sustainability 2020, 12, 7836. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12197836

Susan Clayton, Bryan T. Karazsia, Development and validation of a measure of climate change anxiety, Journal of Environmental Psychology, Volume 69, 2020, 101434, ISSN 0272-4944, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2020.101434.

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